Part one of this post, which has had an unnecessarily dramatic history, is now public after a spate of being rewritten and edited for public consumption. Sorry.
and now for part two:
Daniel Lord Smail’s On Deep History and the Brain is reviewed by Steven Mithen in the January 24 ’08 London Review of Books. It is one of those volumes that sheds light on all the topics I have been discussing on joculum for the past year and a half, even if half its hypotheses turn out to be wrong.
Basically, Smail sets out to map the changing courses of history in terms of the interaction between biology and culture: not the formation of culture by biology as the sociobiologists would have it, and not the supplanting of biology by culture as the orthodox Marxists or the captain-of-my-fate free-marketers would have it, and not even the shaping of the environment by culture as the critics of globalization, theorists of global migration, and limits-of-the-earth population biologists would have it.
No, Smail’s theory is that the operations of human history—not a redundancy; there are histories of any set of linked chronological circumstances that can be arranged in a sensibly mappable order: there are possible histories of polar bear populations and/or any other changing aspect of the planet—that the operations of human history, as I say, reflect the ways in which human beings figured out how best to operate their own brains and modify the brains of others in terms of neurochemistry.
This does not mean, as the many folks I have discussed on the joculum blog would have it, psychotropic drugs, other than the mild ones of caffeine-containing substances and other everyday modifiers of dopamine, serotonin and oxytocin in our bloodstreams.
It means that social structures are based on brain physiology.
Smail suggests that the first sedentary communities resulted in a return to “a primate-like social structure, with dominance hierarchies often maintained by random acts of violence against subordinates to maintain them in a constant state of stress.”
Hunter-gatherers didn’t have this device; as Mithen summarizes Smail, “These societies are egalitarian, employing various social mechanisms—joking and teasing would be instances—to prevent individuals gaining dominance over others.”
This adaptation to Ice Age conditions was succeeded, says Smail, by the Neolithic revolution’s return to a long-dormant primate neurophysiology. Settled communities provided situations in which individuals could maintain dominance by random violence. “The control of agricultural surpluses or trade routes was not enough to maintain their power base: they also needed to control the brains and bodies of their subordinates by manipulating their neurochemistry. The political elites, Small argues, were not aware that they were engaging in such biological interventions; they were simply repeating what had seemed to work in gaining them power. Random violence is a winner every time.”
And so we get “religion, sport, monumental architecture, alcohol, legitimized violence—and sex for fun. These emerge independently … for the good reason that they are most effective in moulding and manipulating our body chemistry. As Small argues, it is not the diversity of human civilizations that we should find most startling but their profound similarities, which remind us of our common Palaeolithic heritage.”
So (and here I stop summarizing the review) we finally have the possibility of overcoming the one-sided readings of Desmond Morris’ The Naked Ape fighting it out with whomsoever’s insistence that culture trumps biology every time versus whoever’s insistence that culture is just one more way that genes plot to produce more genes.
Smail still hasn’t got hold of the whole problem, any more than E. O. Wilson’s Consilience had hold of it, but until we see the physiological understructure that has been manipulated throughout our species’ history, we can’t begin to make sense of phenomena to which Small refers, but refers with excessive reductionism. Apparently (I return to the review here) he writes of church liturgies as “comforting to listen to, to alleviate stress and anxiety,” and thus as advantageous in the generation of oxytocin as, say, sexual arousal. But of course the alleviation of stress can be manipulated as much as the creation of it. (I am still taking off from the reviewer’s observation of this, but expanding upon the topic here.)
As anybody knows who has been reading the newspapers, the good cop-bad cop strategy is another repetitive form of manipulation throughout history: create fear and anxiety, relieve it, return to the creation of fear, repeat until the desired outcome is achieved in the suspect or the employee.
There are so many other possible examples, and examples that Smail actually cites, such as the knowledge that “gossip is as much a means for alleviating stress as for exchanging information,” so its denigration “emerges as another means to prevent the self-alleviation of stress. It is far better for those in power to be in control of their subordinates’ body chemistry than to leave it to the subordinates themselves.”
We could, as Smail does not so far as I know from the review, go back into the history of storytelling and the history of mystical practice and the history of ever so many other topics to which I return repeatedly in this journal. And, as I have written repeatedly, the relations of power are the same regardless of the real structure of the world within which the power is exercised.
The nature of the real world is a separate topic altogether. Power is only one of the many stories, but it is a story that is told by any adequate theory of the world at large.
Someone could do an analysis of the actual relations of power and means of stress reduction versus and/or inclusive of the relationship of intellectual inquiry to personal biochemistry. I can think of theorists whose biographies and published works would be productive examples to consider in terms of working out this analysis.
I can think of myself, too, but keep your filthy hands off my biographical data. I’m gonna joke and tease my way right through this one.
and now for part two:
Daniel Lord Smail’s On Deep History and the Brain is reviewed by Steven Mithen in the January 24 ’08 London Review of Books. It is one of those volumes that sheds light on all the topics I have been discussing on joculum for the past year and a half, even if half its hypotheses turn out to be wrong.
Basically, Smail sets out to map the changing courses of history in terms of the interaction between biology and culture: not the formation of culture by biology as the sociobiologists would have it, and not the supplanting of biology by culture as the orthodox Marxists or the captain-of-my-fate free-marketers would have it, and not even the shaping of the environment by culture as the critics of globalization, theorists of global migration, and limits-of-the-earth population biologists would have it.
No, Smail’s theory is that the operations of human history—not a redundancy; there are histories of any set of linked chronological circumstances that can be arranged in a sensibly mappable order: there are possible histories of polar bear populations and/or any other changing aspect of the planet—that the operations of human history, as I say, reflect the ways in which human beings figured out how best to operate their own brains and modify the brains of others in terms of neurochemistry.
This does not mean, as the many folks I have discussed on the joculum blog would have it, psychotropic drugs, other than the mild ones of caffeine-containing substances and other everyday modifiers of dopamine, serotonin and oxytocin in our bloodstreams.
It means that social structures are based on brain physiology.
Smail suggests that the first sedentary communities resulted in a return to “a primate-like social structure, with dominance hierarchies often maintained by random acts of violence against subordinates to maintain them in a constant state of stress.”
Hunter-gatherers didn’t have this device; as Mithen summarizes Smail, “These societies are egalitarian, employing various social mechanisms—joking and teasing would be instances—to prevent individuals gaining dominance over others.”
This adaptation to Ice Age conditions was succeeded, says Smail, by the Neolithic revolution’s return to a long-dormant primate neurophysiology. Settled communities provided situations in which individuals could maintain dominance by random violence. “The control of agricultural surpluses or trade routes was not enough to maintain their power base: they also needed to control the brains and bodies of their subordinates by manipulating their neurochemistry. The political elites, Small argues, were not aware that they were engaging in such biological interventions; they were simply repeating what had seemed to work in gaining them power. Random violence is a winner every time.”
And so we get “religion, sport, monumental architecture, alcohol, legitimized violence—and sex for fun. These emerge independently … for the good reason that they are most effective in moulding and manipulating our body chemistry. As Small argues, it is not the diversity of human civilizations that we should find most startling but their profound similarities, which remind us of our common Palaeolithic heritage.”
So (and here I stop summarizing the review) we finally have the possibility of overcoming the one-sided readings of Desmond Morris’ The Naked Ape fighting it out with whomsoever’s insistence that culture trumps biology every time versus whoever’s insistence that culture is just one more way that genes plot to produce more genes.
Smail still hasn’t got hold of the whole problem, any more than E. O. Wilson’s Consilience had hold of it, but until we see the physiological understructure that has been manipulated throughout our species’ history, we can’t begin to make sense of phenomena to which Small refers, but refers with excessive reductionism. Apparently (I return to the review here) he writes of church liturgies as “comforting to listen to, to alleviate stress and anxiety,” and thus as advantageous in the generation of oxytocin as, say, sexual arousal. But of course the alleviation of stress can be manipulated as much as the creation of it. (I am still taking off from the reviewer’s observation of this, but expanding upon the topic here.)
As anybody knows who has been reading the newspapers, the good cop-bad cop strategy is another repetitive form of manipulation throughout history: create fear and anxiety, relieve it, return to the creation of fear, repeat until the desired outcome is achieved in the suspect or the employee.
There are so many other possible examples, and examples that Smail actually cites, such as the knowledge that “gossip is as much a means for alleviating stress as for exchanging information,” so its denigration “emerges as another means to prevent the self-alleviation of stress. It is far better for those in power to be in control of their subordinates’ body chemistry than to leave it to the subordinates themselves.”
We could, as Smail does not so far as I know from the review, go back into the history of storytelling and the history of mystical practice and the history of ever so many other topics to which I return repeatedly in this journal. And, as I have written repeatedly, the relations of power are the same regardless of the real structure of the world within which the power is exercised.
The nature of the real world is a separate topic altogether. Power is only one of the many stories, but it is a story that is told by any adequate theory of the world at large.
Someone could do an analysis of the actual relations of power and means of stress reduction versus and/or inclusive of the relationship of intellectual inquiry to personal biochemistry. I can think of theorists whose biographies and published works would be productive examples to consider in terms of working out this analysis.
I can think of myself, too, but keep your filthy hands off my biographical data. I’m gonna joke and tease my way right through this one.